(12) In certain NENA languages new preterite away from Classification II verbs have good vocalism (m)CoCiC- otherwise (m)CuCiC- without any forerunner in the earlier languages. Noldeke (1868, 213) suggested that the progressive function was connected with new Hebrew pual. Examples: Aradhin mbusille ‘he cooked’ (Krotkoff 1982, 136), Tkhuma mso:re:li ‘I began’, Jilu +poltele ‘he took it out’ (Fox 1992, 54). Models that have o otherwise you was absent outside NENA and now have in many of the NENA dialects: Hertevin, Sanandaj Christian, and you will Halabja: Halabja bqirraxun ‘you (pl.) asked’, Hertevin bqerre ‘he asked’ (Jastrow 1988, 206).
(13) The entire expose try noted by a beneficial prefix in all NENA but Hertevin and also in Mandaic as well as in Turoyo. The fresh prefix takes certainly one of three models: (a) k- to your most of the verbs (complex so you’re able to c- in the Urmi, lengthened so you’re able to ko- before consonants inside the Turoyo, and also in Zakho is g- before a spoken phoneme); (b) k- however, merely to the a finite class of verbs (with voicing intake and regularly most other change as well); or (c) i- toward all the verbs.
Examples: (a) Zakho k-xaze ‘he sees’, g-emir ‘he says’ (Meehan and Alon 1979, 182), Urmi csader ‘he sends’ (Hetzron 1969, 115), Turoyo kohoze ‘he sees’, Tisqopa ksaqIl ‘he takes’ (Rubba, personal interaction); (b) Halabja k-ImrIx-wa ‘we manage say’, however, doqIx-wa-le ‘we would to see it’, Azerbaijan k-xil ‘he takes, have a tendency to eat’, however, sate ‘he drinks, have a tendency to, could possibly get drink’ (Garbell 1965, 66, 67); (c) Aradhin i-zare:los angeles ‘he tills it’ (Krotkoff 1982, 70), Jilu i-napli baro ‘they pursue https://datingranking.net/cs/mingle2-recenze/ her’ (Fox 1992, 55).
The k- prefix appears to be an endurance of your own prefix qa- away from BT, as in the fresh new ubiquitous qatane ‘he teaches’. elizabeth ‘stands’. In certain eastern dialects the new shipments of k- might restricted to a tiny family of verbs (Garbell 1965, 65). In other people, it has got gone away and you will been changed because of the an alternate prefix we-, and that most likely began while the a lower type of i[Theta] ‘there is’.
Examples: Halabja geznawa ta knista ‘I would go to the latest synagogue’, Aradhin tla t-sapri ‘to wait’, Jilu zIlli l-yawa zuze tla da kIcca ‘I decided to go to offer currency so you can a beneficial girl’, Tisqopa [Theta]e:li ta di-mbaslan ‘I (fem
(14) The fresh new verb ‘give’ are yehav within the BT, and you may yav within the Syriac. It has been remade throughout NENA languages from the incorporation of your own following the l- ‘to’. Brand new imperative, which had been hav during the Syriac and you can BT, was hal (Noldeke 1868, 256) in all NENA wherein I have suggestions, but not inside Turoyo otherwise Mandaic.
(15) In all NENA, the only one imperative out of qyama ‘get up’ has lost the finally m: Aradhin qu (Krotkoff 1982, 145), Sanandaj Religious qu (Panoussi, 110). The plural, but not, retains the fresh new yards.
(16) Throughout NENA, the brand new crucial off (i)zala ‘go’ is abnormal: Aradhin si (Krotkoff 1982, 147), Sanandaj Christian say (Panoussi 119), Jilu se, Jewish Azerbaijani au moment ou (Garbell 1965, 285).
(17) Around the NENA, several different terms and conditions are utilized since foot to possess reflexive pronouns including ‘myself’. He’s: ruh- during the Hertevin along with Turoyo, nos- from the around three easternmost Jewish dialects, and you can gyan- on the kept languages: Hertevin ruhan ‘ourselves’ (Jastrow 1988, 197), Zakho qtala gyane ‘beating himself’ (Meehan and you can Alon 1982, 181), Halabja nosan ‘ourselves’.
It qa- was itself good contraction from qa?
(18) A different sort of preposition definition ‘to’ otherwise ‘for’ which will take the design ta, tla, otherwise tla are prevalent, in the event perhaps not common, in the NENA, yet not found in Mandaic or Turoyo. ) came to cook’ (Rubba, individual correspondence), Zakho cuxa la psIxle darga story ‘no you to definitely exposed the entranceway to help you him’ (Meehan and you will Alon 1979, 182).